The last few weeks have been awash with how Andy Burnham intends to shift power out of Westminster and into the hands of local leaders.
The new prime minister has been clear that tinkering around the edges will no longer suffice, as he looks to redefine the country’s approach to tackling some of our biggest challenges – ending homelessness, reforming education, and driving economic growth in every postcode to name a few.
But one issue that cuts across almost every challenge Burnham seeks to address, not to mention one this government has pledged to tackle, has so far been largely absent from the debate – the epidemic of domestic abuse and violence against women and girls.
Last year, almost four million people had their lives devastated by domestic abuse. It persistently pushes thousands into homelessness, while increasing pressure on A&E and driving up demand for mental health support.
It prevents people from finding and keeping a job, while simultaneously robbing children of the chance to thrive at school. It consumes countless hours of police time before leaving many victims trapped in a criminal justice system that does not deliver the justice they want or deserve. All the while costing society £89.3bn every year.
Governments of all political stripes have made genuine efforts to tackle domestic abuse. Too often, I have seen those attempts fall short because responsibility and accountability is scattered across Whitehall.
It is one of the many reasons why progress on halving violence against women and girls has been slow – the machinery of government is simply not set up to tackle problems that cut across every part of the state.
Take funding for specialist domestic abuse services. Week in and week out, I hear from domestic abuse organisations that are having to reduce the support they offer, let staff go or close entirely. Why? Because money is trapped in short term, centralised budgets, struggling to find its way to those trying to deliver on the ground.
This is why Burnham’s drive to devolve power offers opportunity.
By shifting our focus away from individual programmes and isolated funding streams, which local areas tell me inhibit their ability to deliver for victims, we can enable regional leaders to build a system which moves as one around victims. This would see specialist services funded to work in tandem with public services – be that health, housing or social care – to understand what survivors need and adapt their response to ensure they can rebuild and recover away from abuse.
I know it can work because I have seen it. On a recent visit to Gloucester, leaders there shared how a perpetrator’s release from prison creates fear and uncertainty for victims. Keen to act, the council, police and crime commissioner, policing, probation and specialist services have worked together to establish dedicated independent domestic abuse advisor (IDVA) support, which works with victims to help them plan their safety and communicate information about the perpetrator to them more effectively.
In Burnham’s own Greater Manchester, the local authority worked to address the needs of migrant survivors by establishing a consortium of services dedicated to supporting women and girls with no recourse to public funds. This has meant vulnerable victims, typically shut out from mainstream support, have been able to get the help they need to live free from abuse.
But taking power and distributing it out is not without risk. Domestic abuse survivors already face a postcode lottery in support. When I looked at the help available across England and Wales, I found that fewer than half of survivors were able to access the support they wanted in the community.
For devolution to truly unlock the country’s ability to improve lives for those subject to domestic abuse, there must be a strong national ambition for local areas to drive forward.
This means long-term, ringfenced funding for specialist domestic abuse services, to counteract the real terms cut they are currently facing. While local areas should have the freedom to design services that reflect the needs of their communities, delivering them must sit within a clear national framework, so no area can opt out of providing support to those who need it.
There’s also a case to be made about strengthening people’s right to support. Currently, the legal obligations for public services to help people experiencing domestic abuse are minimal compared to duties around homelessness, children’s safeguarding or vulnerable adults. No matter who you are or where you live, you should have somewhere to turn.
This approach – empowered local delivery with clear national goals – is one we’ve seen Labour succeed with before.
In 1999, the Rough Sleepers Unit set a central target of a two third reduction in rough sleeping in England by 2002. It not only achieved this, but it did so a year early. This happened because councils were required to set local strategies to reduce homelessness, there was clear investment in getting people the support they needed, and the government put a focus on taking preventative action.
I believe we can – and must – do the same on domestic abuse.
As we wait to see how Andy Burnham will put power back into the hands of communities, my challenge to him is simple. If you want your legacy to be about giving places – and people – the ability to transform lives, then tackling domestic abuse must be a key part of your vision.